Speaking with James Delow on the Gorilla Position Podcast, Wade Barrett discussed how he came back on board WWE to do commentary for NXT. Barrett returned to NXT as part of the commentary team back in August and signed a full deal with the company following Mauro Ranallo’s exit. You can see highlights from the discussion of how Barrett came back to the company below along with the full audio:
On initially being called about the Nexus reunion idea: “Yeah, it really did come out of the blue. As a lot of people know, I have been working in various commentary roles for various companies over the last few years outside of WWE since I left. Hadn’t really had much communication with WWE at all. We didn’t end on bad terms, but similarly I think I needed to get away from them … I think they were quite happy to let me some time to myself, shall we say. And I think it was best for both of our sakes to be away from each other for a while. But [at] the beginning of this year, I got a call from the talent relations department. They were talking to me about the 10-year anniversary of Nexus, and maybe doing something at WrestleMania for that. It didn’t really appeal to me at the time, the pitch and idea that they had. So I declined that.”
On being contacted about a possible commentary gig: “And then a few months later, obviously I was out of work, I wasn’t doing anything with NWA where I had been broadcasting. And I got a call from Tom Phillips and Michael Cole telling me about the possibility of working with them again. And I’ve always had a good relationship with those two; the commentary guys, I always clicked with them. So I liked the sound of it; I love doing commentary. Triple H and William Regal are also people who are now in my chain of command and again, two people I’ve always gotten on great with and I have a lot of respect for. So when it was pitched to me, ‘Hey, this is what we’re looking to do, this is the part of the company we’re looking to place you in, what do you think?’ And it was a very easy decision to kind of agree to that and ‘Okay, let’s progress this forward.’ And that’s when talks started to get a bit meatier.”
If you use any of the quotes in this article, please credit The Gorilla Position with a h/t to 411mania.com for the transcription.
It is a ballot fight for survival for gig companies like Uber, DoorDash
OAKLAND: By late August, the urgency was becoming clear. Top executives of Uber, Lyft and the delivery service DoorDash met to discuss a California ballot measure that would exempt them from a new state labor law and save their companies hundreds of millions of dollars.
The survival of their businesses was on the ballot.
Days later, political strategists responded to the executives’ concerns by telling the companies, which had already pledged $90 million to back the measure, that they needed to spend a lot more if they wanted to win, said three people familiar with the discussions, who were not allowed to talk about them publicly.
The fight over the ballot measure, Proposition 22, has become the most expensive in the state’s history since then, with its backers contributing nearly $200 million and 10 days still to go until the Nov. 3 election. Along the way, the companies have repeatedly been accused of heavy-handed tactics; a lawsuit filed Thursday claims Uber is coercing the support of its drivers.
Despite the big spending and a barrage of television advertising, only 39% of likely voters said they supported Uber and Lyft in a poll last month by the University of California, Berkeley, while 36% opposed their proposal and others were undecided. People close to the campaign said they would want to see close to 60% approval in polling before they could breathe a sigh of relief.
The ballot measure, which is also being backed by Instacart and a delivery company that Uber is acquiring, Postmates, could be a harbinger for gig companies in the rest of the country.
Prop 22 would exempt the companies from complying with a law that went into effect at the beginning of the year, while offering limited benefits to drivers. The law is intended to force them to treat gig workers as employees, but Uber and its peers have resisted, fearing that the cost of benefits like unemployment insurance and health care could tip them into a downward financial spiral.
Although Uber and Lyft, for example, are publicly traded companies with a combined worth of $70.5 billion, they have never been profitable. They lose billions of dollars each year, and the pandemic has made turning a profit even more difficult. DoorDash, which has filed to go public, has also struggled. Analysts estimate that complying with California’s gig worker law could cost Uber, which lost $1.8 billion in its most recent quarter, as much as $500 million a year.
Uber said it planned to cut off work for the approximately 158,000 California drivers who were active on the platform each quarter if its ballot measure failed. It would employ roughly 51,000 remaining drivers, it said, and raise fares to meet the higher business costs.
The ballot fight gained additional urgency Thursday when the California 1st District Court of Appeal ruled that Uber and Lyft must treat their California drivers as employees under the new labor law. The state attorney general and the city attorneys of San Francisco, Los Angeles and San Diego had sued the companies in May to enforce the law.
“If Prop 22 does not win, we will do our best to adjust,” said Dara Khosrowshahi, Uber’s chief executive, in a Wall Street Journal interview this week. “Where in California we can operate is a question mark, and the size and scale of the business will be substantially reduced.”
In past dust-ups with local regulators, Uber rallied its passengers for support. The pandemic has made that difficult, so it has urged its tech employees to get involved and used its app to reach out to drivers for support.
The Yes on 22 campaign also started an effort to organize drivers, a move copied from the labor groups that have long tried to organize drivers to fight for better working conditions. And it has forged relationships with high-profile advocacy groups, like Mothers Against Drunk Driving and the California chapter of the NAACP.
“Drivers want independence plus benefits by a 4-to-1 margin, and we’re going to fight for them,” said Julie Wood, a spokesperson for Lyft. “We believe California voters are on the side of drivers, too.”
A spokesperson for DoorDash, Taylor Bennett, said, “Our support for Prop 22 is part of our commitment to protecting the economic opportunity that tens of thousands of Californians value and the access to delivery that so many restaurants rely on, especially at such a critical time.”
A spokesperson for Instacart declined to comment. Postmates did not respond to a request for comment.
In an effort to gain support, the companies have bombarded riders and drivers with push notifications, campaign ads that appear in their apps and emails promoting Prop 22. Before logging on to start work, Uber drivers have been presented with a slideshow of warnings about how their lives could change if the proposition fails.
“A no vote would mean far fewer jobs,” one of the slides on the Uber app warned. “That’s why we’re fighting so hard to win.”
In the lawsuit filed against Uber on Thursday, drivers claim that the messages violated a state law that forbids employers to coerce their employees to participate in political activity.
“I can’t rule out that employers have engaged in coercive tactics like this in the past, but I have never heard of an employer engaging in this sort of barrage of coercive communications on such a broad level, ever,” said one of the attorneys for the drivers, David Lowe, a partner at Rudy, Exelrod, Zieff & Lowe. “It is such an extraordinary thing, from my perspective, for Uber to exploit this captive audience of workers.” Lowe said he opposed Prop 22.
Matt Kallman, an Uber spokesperson, said, “This is an absurd lawsuit, without merit, filed solely for press attention and without regard for the facts.” He added, “It can’t distract from the truth: that the vast majority of drivers support Prop 22.”
In early October, the Prop 22 campaign was denounced by Sen. Bernie Sanders after a fake progressive group calling itself Feel the Bern endorsed the proposition in a campaign flyer that implied Uber had the backing of progressive leaders. The mailers were, in fact, sent by a firm that creates political mailers representing different views.
“The Prop 22 campaign is working hard to reach voters across the state and the political spectrum to ensure they know that drivers overwhelmingly support Prop 22,” said Geoff Vetter, a spokesperson for the Yes on 22 campaign, which is funded by Uber, Lyft, DoorDash and other gig economy companies.
Questions have also been raised about the NAACP endorsement. A political consulting firm run by Alice Huffman, leader of the California NAACP., has received $85,000 from the gig companies’ campaign, public records show. The payment was reported earlier by the news site CalMatters.
Vetter said the payments were for “outreach.” The NAACP did not respond to a request for comment.
Uber held an all-hands meeting this month for employees to meet drivers who support the proposition, and sent several emails encouraging staff to lobby friends and family.
Although the internal messages were upbeat, the policy staff raised concerns with campaign consultants during the meetings in late August and early September, the people familiar with those meetings said. Among their worries: that the ballot language was unfavorable to the companies and that people were voting earlier than usual because of the pandemic, meaning advertising would need to be rapid and aggressive.
“We look at the data every day, and our metrics show a tight race,” Justin Kintz, Uber’s head of public policy, said in an early October email to Uber employees, obtained by The New York Times. “At the same time, with continued strong execution against our plan, we’re confident we can win.”
While the email noted that campaigning was optional, Kintz encouraged employees to participate in texting banks to contact voters and to promote the campaign in conversations with friends.
“The big reason that you’re seeing so much spending is because of the high stakes in this election,” said Vetter, the spokesperson for the campaign. “Hundreds of thousands of jobs are on the line. These are services that millions of Californians rely on.”
The opposition campaign, which is funded by labor unions, has raised about $15 million. Supporters of the No on 22 campaign have argued that voters should reject the push by tech companies and that the measure would harm workers already at a disadvantage during the pandemic.
“Proposition 22 will make racial inequality worse in California at the worst possible time,” said Rep. Barbara Lee, D-Calif. “You have very clearly crossed the line when you try to claim the equity mantle for a campaign that has always been about allowing multibillion-dollar app companies to write their own law so that they can keep exploiting the labor of drivers, 8 in 10 of whom are people of color.”
No matter the outcome of the vote, the gig companies and their opponents are likely to take their campaigns to Washington. Massachusetts has filed a lawsuit similar to the one that the California court decided Thursday, and Uber hopes to avoid continued state-by-state battles by pressing for federal legislation.
In Gig-Dependent LA, Rent Payments Begin To Skid As Payday Loans Spike
Reports of the Los Angeles County’s gig worker-dependent economy falling apart ring true, but rent collection numbers, while lower than those from last year across the board, don’t seem to paint Los Angeles as any worse off than other expensive, coastal cities, some experts say. But is paying the rent alone a good indicator of how hard the coronavirus pandemic has hit renters?
Los Angeles County in August had the second-highest unemployment rate in the state: 16.6%, according to the state’s Employment Development Department.
According to data from RealPage, by the last week of August, 91.9% of LA renters had paid their rent, a 5.1% drop from 97% in 2019. By the last week of September, 93.4% of LA tenants had paid their rent compared to the 97.8% that had done so by the same time in 2019, or a difference of about 4.4%.
Stacking this year’s data up against 2019’s offers some necessary context to current numbers, said Adam Couch, a market analyst at RealPage, one of the companies whose data is used for the National Multifamily Housing Council’s nationwide rent payment tracker. The difference between the two years offers a good way to tell how much a metro has been impacted by the pandemic, Couch said.
Los Angeles saw a bigger year-over-year change in rent collection than New York in the last two months.
By the last week of August, RealPage shows that 90.5% of New Yorkers had paid their rent, a 3.1% drop from the same time in 2019. By the last week of September, 93.3% of New Yorkers had paid their rent, a 2.9% difference over the previous year.
But Couch said that the two metros have regularly been jockeying for position toward the top of the list of biggest discrepancies between 2019 and 2020 rent collection. He highlighted New York, LA and the Bay Area as some of the standouts in terms of decline, with New York being impacted the most.
Nothing in the data so far stands out about LA or indicates that it’s doing worse overall for rent collection than the Bay Area or New York, he said. “The rent payments in gateway markets have typically seen some of the largest annual declines,” Couch said.
That’s not totally surprising considering those areas are among the most expensive places in the country to live.
“It’s more difficult to make rent payments when rents are so expensive,” Couch said.
Additional federal unemployment benefits expiring and the smaller amounts that were being provided by states aren’t going to be as helpful toward paying for rent and other necessities in places where the rent is very high, Couch said.
Though RealPage’s data doesn’t indicate that Los Angeles renters are particularly hard-hit by the pandemic compared to renters in other cities, a report published by UCLA’s Lewis Center for Regional Policy Studies suggests an additional layer to the story: that perhaps LA renters are going to unsustainable lengths to make their rent payments on time.
“Paying on time and in full, in other words, should not be mistaken for ‘having no problems’ paying rent,” the report said.
The report COVID-19 and Renter Distress used data from two sources: the U.S. Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey, which the bureau undertook specifically to gather data on how American households have been affected by the pandemic. It includes questions about late rent payment and a more detailed survey of 1,000 LA County households conducted by a third party for UCLA.
The report was co-authored by USC Lusk Center for Real Estate Director Richard Green and UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs associate professors Michael Lens, Michael Manville and Paavo Monkkonen.
Using information from the survey, the report found that “nontrivial proportions” of renter households that were paying their full rent on time between May and July were doing so by using their savings, asking friends and family for help, or by using credit cards or high-interest payday loans. The use of these methods is much higher among households that paid rent late at least once in that time period, or that only made a partial rent payment during that time, the report said.
The UCLA survey found that just under 40% of renters who had paid rent late at least once and more than 40% of tenants who made a partial rent payment during those months had used a payday loan to help them pay rent during that time. Just under 40% of tenants who paid partial rent during the three-month span reported that they had used credit cards to help them pay rent.
“Looking at people and their ability to make rent, we should not mistake that for an absence of financial distress,” Manville said in a public discussion about the findings.
Pandemic leaves U.S. gig workers clamoring for jobs
Tyrita Franklin-Corbett knew she was risking her health delivering groceries during the coronavirus pandemic, but she didn’t expect to be laid up by a dog attack.
Furloughed from her job as an auditor at a public accounting firm in May, the single mother of a 12-year-old son from Upper Marlboro, Maryland, started to take on more shifts with online grocery pick-up and delivery service Instacart.
Franklin-Corbett, 45, had been an Instacart “shopper” for several years to supplement her salary, but she never imagined the app-based work, with its wild swings in earnings and no health insurance or sick pay, being her sole source of income.
“It’s a gig, not a career,” Franklin-Corbett told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. “When I was in the office, I knew what my paycheck was going to be every day. With this, you do not know. There’s a lot of unknowns, a lot of uncertainty.”
“You don’t know if you’re going to have to carry four cases of water up three flights of steps. You don’t know how much traffic you have to sit in if you want to make 40 bucks.”
Aside from carting heavy groceries and risking exposure to the coronavirus, Franklin-Corbett was bitten on the foot by a customer’s dog in March.
“It was horrific,” said Franklin-Corbett, who had to stop work for two weeks, getting $60 compensation from San Francisco-based Instacart and $1,600 from the customer’s insurance plan.
But with the pandemic sending unemployment to highs not seen since the 1930s Great Depression, more people are joining the growing U.S. army of gig workers, competing for jobs they say pay less and less while trying to avoid contracting COVID-19.
Gig workers are independent contractors who perform on-demand services, including as drivers, delivering groceries or providing childcare – and are one-third more likely to be Black or Latino, according to a 2018 Edison Research poll.
The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics reported in 2017 that 55 million people in the United States were gig workers – or 34% of the workforce – and this was projected to rise to 43% in 2020.
Of these about 1.6 million are part of a growing group of workers to emerge in the past decade, paid by tech platforms like ride-hailing giants Uber and Lyft or food delivery apps like DoorDash and Postmates.
In the past 12 months alone, two million Americans have started freelancing, according to a September study from Upwork, a freelance job platform.
This ongoing shift in the workforce and calls for greater protection for gig workers has put the issue on the political agenda ahead of the Nov. 3 election, with California voters to decide on a landmark state law ruling such workers as employees.
For while some companies and workers praise the flexibility of gig work for juggling families and multiple jobs, some labor activists fear an economic slump will leave gig workers in dire straits with no safeguards like minimum wage or health cover.
Gig workers were included when the U.S. government introduced a $2.3 trillion coronavirus relief bill in March.
The bill included payments of up to $1,200 each to millions of Americans, increased and extended unemployment benefits for workers including contractors, and small business loans.
But after the initial round of pandemic-related aid dried up in August, job growth has slowed more than expected with COVID-19 cases rising and the number of deaths nearing 220,000.
Lawmakers remain in a deadlock on further aid ahead of next month’s election, adding further uncertainty to an already weak U.S. economic recovery in which many companies and workers initially facing job furloughs are now permanently laid off.
In September the number of unemployed people in the United States was 12.6 million compared to 5.7 million a year earlier, with an overall jobless rate of 7.9% but higher numbers among teenagers, Blacks and Hispanics, according to government data.
One of those laid off was Serenety Hanley, whose career in digital communications included a stint in the White House under President George W. Bush.
The 45-year-old single mother was let go from a retail job in March and now makes a living by shopping for Instacart, whose orders jumped fivefold during the pandemic as consumers grew wary of venturing out to stores.
Living off money she makes lugging groceries and dipping into a college savings account set aside for her 11-year-old son, Hanley said she still can barely make ends meet.
“It felt like a free fall,” said Hanley, who lives in Arlington, Virginia.
“(But) even though I’m not getting the same benefits as a white-collar job, I do appreciate that I have an opportunity to make money at all.”
Getting government help has proved difficult.
After the relief bill was passed, many state authorities were overwhelmed by applications for unemployment pay, with a record 10 million Americans filing for assistance in late March and April, and many gig workers fell through the cracks.
Franklin-Corbett said she received her federal stimulus check but, despite calling Maryland state offices regularly, she has not gotten the additional unemployment benefits she is due.
She was also concerned that the delivery business during the pandemic had attracted a flood of new workers who lost other jobs so the pay was no longer as good.
Instacart said this month that it had brought on 300,000 new “shoppers,” more than doubling its workforce to 500,000.
Prior to the pandemic, Franklin-Corbett said she could make up to $300 in a few hours. On a recent trip that took more than an hour and a half, she made $9.
“I have to work twice as much to make half of what I was making to survive,” she said.
Other areas of the gig economy, particularly ride-hailing services, have taken steep hits with fewer people traveling.
Lyft’s number of active riders fell 60% to 8.69 million during the second quarter, according to the company’s latest earnings report. Uber’s gross bookings declined 75% overall in the second quarter, the company said in August.
Ayana Headspeth, 33, a mother-of-four from Montgomery County, Maryland, became one of Washington’s first 100 Uber drivers in 2014 and has made her living with the largest gig platforms including Uber, Lyft, Instacart, and DoorDash.
But to protect herself and her children from coronavirus, she stopped driving in late March and hasn’t driven since.
Not only were there health risks, driving for Uber became financially “pointless,” said Headspeth.
“The last time I drove, I drove around for three-and-a-half hours and I made $11, which has never happened in the history of me doing Uber,” she said.
“My very first night doing Uber, I did Uber for an hour-and-a-half and made $40 – and this was when no one knew what Uber even was.”
Amid the pandemic, Kristie Taylor, a single mother of three from Leesburg, Virginia, also quit driving for Uber after five years of using the work to supplement her salary as a full-time elementary school teacher.
“People are going out because they want a change of pace …. but are they going out and partying and getting drunk and calling Ubers? No,” she said.
“And is it worth it to make $12 to $15 an hour to risk exposure?”
Pre-coronavirus, trips to and from Reagan International Airport were a sure way for Uber and Lyft drivers in the Washington D.C. area to pick up longer, more profitable, rides.
But during one recent morning rush hour, the designated area for drivers waiting for passengers was only half-full.
“What can we do? We have to stay cool and pray and wish this pandemic to end,” said Uber and Lyft driver Ali Mohammadzai, 32, an Afghan immigrant, who had been waiting an hour for a fare.
He said less people were also willing to give tips now.
Headspeth, who has worked predominantly for Instacart since the pandemic began, said a flood of new customers prompted a surge in those falsely reporting missing or incomplete orders in order to scam Instacart and not pay for groceries.
She said those complaints chip away at her rating – and pay.
Instacart uses a star system in which its shoppers are rated for their job performance; those with higher ratings have access to larger and more costly orders so they can make more money.
“When I’m a five-star rating, there are days when I’m seeing orders well over $100,” said Headspeth.
“Since I’ve been at this rating – I’ve been stuck in the 4.5 to 4.7 range – the largest orders I’m seeing are about $30.”
“When you’re taking away from my ratings, you’re taking away from my ability to make bills, my ability to buy groceries, my ability to clothe my children because this isn’t just a gig for me, this is how I make it.”
Instacart said in written comments that its aim was to offer a safe and flexible earnings opportunity to shoppers and to “deliver the best possible shopper experience” for customers.
“We’re focused on serving as an essential service for millions of families, while providing immediate earnings opportunities for hundreds of thousands of people across North America,” the company told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
Some gig economy companies have faced lawsuits accusing them of misclassifying workers as independent contractors who are cheaper than employees with no entitlement to the minimum wage, overtime pay and reimbursements for work-related expenses.
Under the National Labor Relations Act, independent contractors cannot join unions and so do not have legal protection when they complain about working conditions.
Uber, Lyft and DoorDash have launched a campaign to overturn a law in California, California Assembly Bill 5 or AB5, the first in the country, that took effect this year making it harder to classify workers as contractors in the state.
The companies have spent more than $100 million on a “Yes on 22” campaign supporting a California voter initiative on the November ballot that, if passed, would overturn the AB5 law.
“A forced employment model will have devastating consequences for drivers and consumers who use these services,” said Geoff Vetter, a spokesman for the “Yes on 22” campaign.
“Rideshare and delivery drivers want to remain independent contractors, they do not want to be employees. They prefer independence because it provides the flexibility to choose when, where and how long they want to work.”
But the surge in newcomers to the sector and the challenges posed by the pandemic underscore the need to classify gig workers as employees, according to labor rights campaigners.
“It’s really just rearranged the chess pieces on the chess board,” said Katie Wells, a postdoctoral research fellow at Georgetown University’s Kalmanovitz Initiative for Labor and the Working Poor, whose research centers on the D.C. gig economy.
“It may have shone some more light on some corners that were previously dark, but at the end of the day, this is still a pernicious and exploitative workplace that involves a lot of hard work and a lot of risk.”
Uber and Lyft each would face more than $392 million in annual payroll taxes and compensation costs if they paid workers as employers and not contractors, a Reuters calculation showed.
U.S. Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden and his running mate, Senator Kamala Harris, have voiced strong support for AB5 and have directly called on voters to reject the companies’ ballot proposal to weaken it.
Republican President Donald Trump has not commented on the issue, but in September, the U.S. Department of Labor published proposed rules that would allow the ride-sharing companies to maintain independent contractors across the country.
As she dashed from the supermarket to her car with bags loaded with groceries, Franklin-Corbett said gig work had filled a gap for many people but she was concerned that too many people were now totally reliant on a job-to-job existence.
“I don’t think it’s a feasible way to make a living, especially if you have children,” she said.
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